James P. Scanlan, Attorney at Law

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Underadjustment Issues – Lending Disparities

(Feb. 20, 2012; rev. May 15, 2012)

One of the remarkable things about lending disparity studies (though a like point could also be made about a great range of studies on group differences in the law and the social and medical sciences) is the manner in which such studies purport to address group differences in outcome-related characteristics by dividing the groups being compared into categories of such characteristics, or adjusting outcome rate differences according to the group’s varying distributions among those categories, without discussion of the inadequacy of the categories to fully address group differences in characteristics.  Anyone with the least understanding of normal distributions will recognize that even when the categories appear to be narrowly defined (and of course more so when they are broadly defined), the group that on average has weaker qualifications relating to securing an outcome will be disproportionately represented within the lower reaches of each adjustment category.

In the case of lending disparities studies, the categories are typically defined by income, with the groups that are being compared divided into four (low, moderate, middle, and high)  [i] or three (low and moderate, middle, and high) [ii]  income categories.  As it happens, it is in the case of income categories that the way in which groups that are disproportionately concentrated in the lower categories will tend to be disproportionately concentrated in the lower levels of each income category is perhaps most evident in published data.  . 

Table 1 below is based on Table 1 of “Can We Actually Measure Health Disparities” (Chance 2006), which is based on published census data from 2005.  The fourth last column of the article’s Table 1 shows that way that blacks comprise a higher proportion of the combined black and white population falling below each point defined by a percentage of the poverty line, a pattern that is also illustrated in the article’s Figure 1.  Table 1 below shows the proportion blacks comprise of the population falling between each of 13 points, thus within 12 categories.  And it shows that if the twelve categories were grouped into six (e.g., between 1000% and 500% of the poverty line, etc.), blacks would comprise a larger proportion of the lower part of the categories.

Few people with an understanding of normal distributions would question that, if the data were made available, it would likely show that within each of the 12 categories blacks comprise a larger proportion of the group with lower incomes within the category.  The same would presumably be the case with 24 or 48 categories, though, to be sure, at increasing levels of granularity one might observe occasional departures from the patterns.  But certainly it makes no sense to say that dividing the groups into three or four income categories adequately addresses income differences. 

Table 1.  Black Proportion of Combined Black and White Populations Falling Between Points Defined by Percentage of the Poverty Line [ref b2618]

UpperPoint

LowerPoint

PercBlack

1000

600

5.82%

600

500

8.99%

500

400

10.43%

400

300

11.64%

300

250

12.96%

250

200

14.14%

200

175

14.78%

175

150

17.03%

150

125

18.97%

125

100

19.34%

100

75

22.59%

75

50

25.38%

 Similar patterns can be illustrated with data on credit scores by race.  Table 2 below is based on data on black and white credit scores among mortgage applicants at Wells Fargo Mortgage, as presented in the Table 4 of the report of plaintiffs’ expert Howell E. Jackson submitted in support of class certification in In re Wells Fargo Mortgage Litigation, No. 8-CV-01930-MMC (JL) (M.D. Cal.). These data also underlie the tables and figures in the Credit Score Illustrations sub-page of the Scanlan’s Rule page.  On that sub-page, however, the patterns illustrated involve measures of differences in rates of falling above or below various points.  Here the data are used to show the proportion blacks comprise of blacks and whites falling between two points.

Table 2.  Black Proportion of Combined Black and White Populations Falling Between Points Defined by Credit Scores [ref b2719a1]

Score

B

H

W

B%BW

800 and up

4990

10610

211130

2.31%

780-799

14106

33932

563555

2.44%

760-779

18679

46681

617954

2.93%

740-759

21136

50019

525970

3.86%

720-739

22676

49844

450023

4.80%

700-719

26177

52855

412046

5.97%

680-699

29454

52537

365036

7.47%

660-679

31058

46209

294162

9.55%

640-659

30519

37265

218907

12.24%

620-639

29809

32065

165535

15.26%

600-619

22675

20145

107043

17.48%

580-599

18144

13375

70260

20.52%

560-579

13573

8752

45688

22.90%

540-559

8615

5171

26662

24.42%

300-539

10506

5163

25806

28.93%

 Similar illustrations could be made with any of the data underlying the illustrations of patterns of differences in rates of falling above or various points in the NHANES Illustrations and Life Tables Illustrations sub-page of the Scanlan’s Rule page. 


[i] This is the approach of the study in Bradford, Calvin. 2002.  Risk or Race? Racial Disparities and the Subprime Refinance Market. Washington, D.C.: Center for Community Change.  Data from the study underlie Table 1 in the High Income Groups sub-page of this page.

 [ii] This is the approach of the study in Bond, Patrick.  1995.  NationsBank and Community Reinvestment:  The Denial of Black Loan Applicant in Atlanta, Baltimore, and Washington, DC. Commissioned by International Brotherhood of Teamsters.  Data from the study underlie Table 2 of the High Income Groups sub-page of this page.

 


Underadjustment Issues – Lending Disparities

(Feb. 20, 2012)

One of the remarkable things about lending disparity studies (though a like point could also be made about a great range of studies on group differences in the law and the social and medical sciences) is the manner in which such studies purport to address group differences in outcome-related characteristics by dividing the groups being compared into categories of such characteristics, or adjusting outcome rate differences according to the group’s varying distributions among those categories, without discussion of the inadequacy of the categories to fully address group differences in characteristics.  Anyone with the least understanding of normal distributions will recognize that even when the categories appear to be narrowly defined (and of course more so when they are broadly defined), the group that on average has weaker qualifications relating to securing the outcome will be disproportionately represented within the lower reaches of each adjustment category.

In the case of lending disparities studies, the categories are typically defined by income, with the groups that are being compared divided into four (low, moderate, middle, and high)  [i] or three (low and moderate, middle, and high) [ii]  income categories.  As it happens, it is with respect to income categories that the way in which groups that are disproportionately concentrated in the lower categories will tend to be disproportionately concentrated in the lower levels of each income category.

Table 1 below is based on Table 1 of “Can We Actually Measure Health Disparities” (Chance 2006), which is based on published census data from 2005.  The fourth last column of the article’s Table 1 shows that way that blacks comprise a higher proportion of the combined black and white population falling below each point defined by a percentage of the poverty line, a pattern that is also illustrated in the article’s Figure 1.  Table 1 below shows the proportion blacks comprise of the population falling between each of 13 points, thus within 12 categories.  And it shows that if the twelve categories were grouped into six (e.g., between 1000% and 500% of the poverty line, etc.), blacks would comprise a larger proportion of the lower part of the categories.

Few people with an understanding of normal distributions would question that, if the data were made available, it would likely show that within each of the 12 categories blacks comprise a larger proportion of the group with lower incomes within the category.  The same would presumably be the case with 24 or 48 categories, though, to be sure, at increasing levels of granularity one might observe occasional departures from the patterns.  But certainly it makes no sense to say that dividing the groups into three or four income categories adequately addresses income differences. 

Table 1.  Black Proportion of Combined Black and White Populations Falling Between Points Defined by Percentage of the Poverty Line

 

 

UpperPoint

LowerPoint

PercBlack

1000

600

5.82%

600

500

8.99%

500

400

10.43%

400

300

11.64%

300

250

12.96%

250

200

14.14%

200

175

14.78%

175

150

17.03%

150

125

18.97%

125

100

19.34%

100

75

22.59%

75

50

25.38%

  Similar patterns can be illustrated with data on credit scores by race, as is done in the Credit Score Illustrations sub-page of the Scanlan’s Rule page.



[i] This is the approach of the study in Bradford, Calvin. 2002.  Risk or Race? Racial Disparities and the Subprime Refinance Market. Washington, D.C.: Center for Community Change.  Data from the study underlie Table 1 in the High Income Groups sub-page.

 [ii] This is the approach of the study in Bond, Patrick.  1995.  NationsBank and Community Reinvestment:  The Denial of Black Loan Applicant in Atlanta, Baltimore, and Washington, DC. Commissioned by International Brotherhood of Teamsters.  Data from the study underlie in Table 2 of the Lending Disparities in High Income Groups sub-page of this page.